Skip to main content

What Is this Moral Center?

All right, I'm going to confess my ignorance (as if admission is necessary when something is so blatantly obvious). I don't know what a "moral center" is, at least insofar as how it is referred to by Academia Sinica sociologist (tell me really, who can trust a sociologist?) Wu Nai-teh. In an article in today's Taiwan News, scholar Wu is quoted as saying that the DPP leadership has for the past eight years suffered from a "confusion of power." This he defines as President Chen Shui-bian's failure to figure out the challenges he was facing and his resulting inability to meet people's expectations.

I'm not going to get into my old argument again, which is that no matter what the president could have done or tried to do, he was stymied every step of the way by a vicious self-interested opposition party (the evil blues) that controlled the legislature and the press. The evil blues would either kill a piece of legislation outright, or pervert it so much that it became harmful to the economy rather than beneficial. But hey, I said I wouldn't go there. So...

Academia Sinica's Wu further said in the Taiwan News piece that the DPP lacked a "moral center," without which it is difficult to undertake the challenge of reform. "How can the DPP reform others but not allow others to reform it?" he asks. He suggests that this "moral center" is equivalent to the leadership, and the current party leadership is therefore either lacking in morality.

Again, my faith in gray prevents me from making odd noises in Wu's general vicinity, because in part I agree with him. I have long advocated that Taiwan will experience better government when an entire two generations of politicians has retired completely (I by that I mean total removal, not the kind of political retirement we're seeing from "formers" Lee Teng-hui, Lien Chan, or Cigar-totin' Billy Clinton). The current generation of legislators in all parties--men and cranky women in their fifties or older, ahem, talkin' 'bout my generation--grew from the corrupt political environment of the dictator and his teddy bear son. They're grease-covered, so we won't be able to see truly clean government until they have turned the podium over to younger politicians--and I don't mean their "Long Been Bu Hau" spoiled brat kin.

Back to Wu, however, I wonder if he is really suggesting that Chen and Hsieh and Su and the rest of the party leadership are immoral. Charge them with being bad administrators, but please: it was Chen who stopped DPP city councilors from taking dirty money eight years ago, while KMT councilors were caught, um, blue handed. It was not Frank Hsieh whose accountant got him indicted for pocketing public funds by depositing them in his wife's account and later donating public monies to charity.

So, I end this post as I began, with a confession of ignorance. I am not sure if I am understanding Wu's concept of "moral center" correctly--him being a respected scholar-sociologist at the most esteemed Academia Sinica (funded totally by your tax dollars, dear friend), while I am but a lowly foreigner, a "big nose" teacher of English (a language that the new president, despite his blathering use of the tongue, has declared war against the teaching of--more on that in later postings). Scholar Wu, I seek enlightenment.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

"Invisible Nation" and the Indivisibility Difference

Invisible Nation will probably disappoint Taiwan audiences, largely because the documentary was produced for is intended for international audiences, though the film is pragmatically “for Taiwan.” Completed in 2023 and made available to the global documentary film circuit last year, Invisible Nation finally found its way to movie screens throughout Taiwan on June 13, 2025 — a Friday the 13 th release, to be precise.  Produced and directed by Vanessa Hope , Invisible Nation was filmed with the cooperation and encouragement of Taiwan’s first democratically elected female president, Tsai Ying-wen (whose Administration of the Republic of China spanned two terms, 2016-2024). Hope could easily be understood as something of a “China hand,” though she would probably not be comfortable with the label. Prior to becoming a filmmaker, Hope had been a scholar of international studies for the Council on Foreign Relations in her hometown of New York City. She also earned a doctorate from C...

Trauma, Silence, and "Woman Islands"

Here’s a selection of excerpts from the 2011 English translation (by C.J. Anderson-Wu) of Chung Wenyin’s 1998 novel, Woman Islands ( 女島紀行 ). I provide it here in the hope that it might entice students and scholars, especially those with an interest in Women’s Studies and Feminist Literature, to consider taking up this book as a subject for literary criticism. I have straightened up the grammatical style of the original translation that had attempted to portray the “untranslatable” style of the Chinese text and the author’s insistence upon “maintaining the awkwardness of her writing instead of smoothing it out for English readers.”  Although I can appreciate that desire, I chose instead to alter some of the sentence constructions that might come across as more a result of poor proofreading than of conscious choice by the translator. I’m going to hope this won’t be a problem, and I apologize in advance if anyone is offended by my editing choices. But then again, if you want to see...

China Arrests Anti-Poverty Activists

At times it feels hopeless to imagine that the Chinese government will ever develop a sense of universal rights or even common decency. More proof of this from the following Associated Press article printed in the local Taipei Times newspaper on Sunday, February 08, 2009, Page 1. Days before China's human rights record comes under scrutiny before a UN panel, the government's grip on dissent seems as firm as ever. Government critics have been rounded up and some imprisoned on vaguely defined state security charges. Corruption whistleblowers have been bundled away, while discussion of sensitive political and social topics on the Internet remains tightly policed. On Friday, officers stationed outside a government building in Beijing took away at least eight people — members of a loosely organized group of 30 who had traveled to the capital from around the country seeking redress for various problems, almost all of them involving local corruption. One member of the group, Li Fengx...